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Blogger's Notes:
Commentary of an Academic
(Copyright @ 2019 by Chester B Cabalza. All Rights Reserved).
The
Philippines commemorated the third anniversary of The Hague ruling on July 12,
a landmark case awarded to the Southeast Asian archipelagic country penned by
the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague that invalidated China’s
historic rights to resources within the sea areas falling within the debunked
nine-dash line. The 501-page milestone decision explicitly cited China’s violations
on sovereign rights in the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone by interfering
with fishing and petroleum exploration, building man-made islands, and failing
to prevent Chinese fishermen from fishing in the zone.
On
the eve when the Philippines won a maritime entitlement, observers see it as
the beginning of an end. The case arbitrarily has ended with no enforcement
seal but it only has intensified power play between China and the US, two
opposing titans, eventually dwarfing the Philippines. In a toss of tight
competition of who controls the South China Sea and which country gets more
resources, it clearly redounds to China’s grand strategy with ease despite
inflicting harm to the marine environment and destroying evidence of the
natural condition of features in one of the world’s busiest sea lanes of
communications.
Last
March 13, two respected Filipino leaders lodged a 17-page complaint for
environmental damage in the South China Sea and persecution of Filipino fishermen
by Chinese officials before the International Criminal Court (ICC), two days
before the first Asian country officially departs from the independent judicial
body, founded under the mantle of the Rome Statute, giving jurisdiction to
prosecute global leaders for crimes against humanity and crimes of aggression. However
Beijing discredits the accusation, notwithstanding the fact that the two state
parties are now ICC non-members. The grievance itself becomes a strong reminder
echoing the Philippines’ unfinished business at how China treats a strategic
partner despite the latter won a case in the Permanent Court of Arbitration in
July 2016 at The Hague.
The
Philippine Navy builds up a defense posture through an acquisition of two
missile-capable frigates armed with sensors and weapons launched on its 121st
founding anniversary last May 27 to bring into the high seas dignified
surface-to-air missiles patrol ships. The realization came after a series of
maritime humiliation and insecurities experienced from the 1995 Chinese
structures on Mischief Reef in the Spartlys until the 2012 Scarborough Shoal
standoff. The two major maritime and territorial insults to Philippines’
national sovereignty and territorial integrity succumbs for the passage of the
Revised AFP Modernization Act of 2012, replacing the original version crafted
17 years in between.
But
on June 9, three days before the Philippines celebrated its Independence Day, Defense
Secretary Delfin Lorenzana revealed that a Chinese vessel hit the anchored
Filipino vessel F/B GEMVIR 1 near Reed Bank, leaving 22 Filipino fishermen
almost drowned in the open sea, but later rescued by a Vietnamese vessel. The
episodic saga saw China’s overriding use of muscle flexing of hard power by securing
the Spartlys where the oil-rich Reed Bank is located, outwitting the
Philippines’ soft power or the use of lawfare.
The
only recourse Beijing is good at comes on by exerting a hard power by militarizing
the disputed islands showcasing a use of force over the presence of hundreds of
Chinese militia near and within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.
China's success of building the sea wall contributed to the massive
terraforming accomplishments that buoys up in the expansive Chinese Lake
conjoined with militarized acumen and economic perspicacity. It certainly
cultivated a complex security environment that weak nation-states were caught
in surprise and shock beyond China’s calculated salami-slicing attack.
Meanwhile,
the Philippines’ policy of silence on asserting the arbitral award hounds the
rapprochement of President Rodrigo Duterte on China’s encroachment in the West
Philippine Sea. The recalibration of foreign policy in pursuit of defining the
Philippines’ national interests strengthens further the giant neighbor’s gray
zone strategy. It precisely shows a strategic acquiescence ensnared by Duterte’s
unsophisticated strategy in dealing with Xi Jinping’s erudite scheme that
offered a mixture of both danger and opportunity.
This
strategic acquiescence combines economic gains and simultaneous military
buildup leading one to coin the term, “Philippinedization,” which may well be
appropriate especially in light of the historic Hague ruling that Duterte
temporarily set aside. It is a process whereby a weaker state, backed by a
powerful country, goes through great lengths in temporarily refraining from
opposing a neighboring great power by resorting to economic and diplomatic
rapprochements at the strategic level, but strengthening its national security
infrastructure on the operational level with an eye for potential conflict in
the foreseeable future.