Tolay: An Ethnography of the Ibanag People

Photo from Google

By Chester B Cabalza
(Copyright @ 2014 by Chester B Cabalza. All Rights Reserved).

Manuel Castells (2010:6) argues that by identity, there is a process of construction of meaning on the basis of cultural attribute, or a related set of cultural attributes, that is given priority over other sources of meaning. For a given individual, or for a collective actor, there may be plurality of identities. Yet such a plurality is a source of stress and contradiction in both self-representation and social action.

Scholars (Richard Jenkins [1997:342-399], John Ikenberry [1999:130], and Howard Adelman (2000:8]) say that anthropologists and sociologists trace back ethnicity from its ancient origins which means ethnos, referring to a range of situations in which collectivity of humans lived and acted together, hitherto, typically translated as people or nation. Others collectively agree that ethnicity can be lost, discovered, or simply invented, since ethnicity and ethnic identity are social constructs and identity is subjective based on beliefs about common ancestry of shared historical past.

There are also those who say that an ethnic community consists of people who identify themselves or identified by others in cultural terms, such as language, religion, tribe, nationality, and possibly race.

Ibanag nak: an embedded ethnic identity

The Ibanags belong to an original ethnic group that occupied the northeastern portion of Luzon. The name came from “bannag” meaning “river” as they lived along the banks of the Cagayan River. In other words, they were the people who lived on or from the banks of Cagayan River (Talla 1999, Wein 1987, Gatan 1981, and Llamzon 1978). Based from ethnographic accounts, documents provide that they belong to the lowland Christian groups according to the then Ethnological Survey of the Philippines Office, the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) during the American period, and based from today’s National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP).

More so, Manuel Castells (2010:7) deems that the construction of identities uses building materials from history, from geography, from biology, from productive and reproductive institutions, from collective memory and from personal fantasies, from power apparatuses and religious revelations. But individuals, social groups, and societies process all these materials, and rearrange their meanings, according to social determinations and cultural projects are rooted in their social structure, and in space/time framework.

From Ibanag riverine community

            The original homeland of the Ibanag is an ideal coastal maritime trading center and inland secondary trading center locations. Wernsdent and Spencer (1967) believe that the Ibanags used to occupy the Babuyan channel coast before venturing to the lower half of Cagayan Valley in the late sixteenth century. The Cagayan Valley mirrors a general pattern seen all over the Philippine archipelago wherein we see plural societies with upland people bringing down forest products and ores to river delta coastal maritime trading centers which has maritime trade links overseas (Junker 1999).

            The Cagayan River, also tagged as the Rio Grande de Cagayan, is the longest and largest existing river in the entire Philippine archipelago. This mighty river proudly flows through the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino, Isabela, and Cagayan. Along the Cagayan River, whose waters drain originally from the heights of the Casecnan watershed in Quirino, as well as its larger tributaries in Magat in Isabela, and then accumulate larger deposits of sediments level enough to become a flood plain. It is along this plain that the Ibanags have settled and do agriculture because the fertile soil is good for raising all kinds of crops such as paddy rice, corn, tobacco, beans, and peanuts (Valdapeñas 2008:2).

            The legendary river is surrounded by a valley as the homeland of many Ibanags which is bordered to the east by Sierra Madre Mountains, to the west by the Cordillera, and to the south by the Caraballo Mountains.

            Early settlements in Cagayan bordered by thick forest on the side, and a body of water either the river or sea, on the other side. The barangay refers to plank-built boats with outriggers. Larger vessels were called biray or biwong, dug-out canoes from a single tree trunk were takuli, a raft referred to as dalakit, and bamboo tied together were called gakit. This shows the role of water carriers in Ibanag community and it is no surprise then the strong maritime culture of Ibanags is alluded to in its literature (Scott 1994: 265).

            Based from beliefs of elderly Ibanags, the bannag (river) is sacred to them because their daily dose of activities revolves around the Cagayan River. For many Ibanags, after they catch fish from the river or toil hard from their farm, they would say nababannag nak (I’m so tired) in reference to the river.

While I was traversing the river, according to my parents (both Ibanags) and based from folklore, our ancestors thought that langi (sky) is regarded as heaven representing the place of all-powerful God called Makapangngua. For the Ibanag when he gazes up to the langi his disposition makes him at peace and happy. Oftentimes, the Ibanag exclaims kagitta na langi (it is like heaven) referring to the state of happiness.

Ibanag language as forms of identity and speech community

            One can easily identify an Ibanag when he speaks the Ibanag language. According to linguists, the Ibanag language is distinct in that it features phonemes and double consonants which are not present in many other languages in the country. The Ibanag language is using all the complete letters in the adopted Roman alphabets in Filipino since Ibanag words have embedded y / f / v / z /j / in its phonemes.

            Based from ethnographic studies, the Ibanag language is the lingua franca of Cagayan Valley and the mother language of other indigenous peoples (IPs) in the region such as Itawes, Gaddang, Yogad, and Iraya. It is spoken from Pamplona to Gattaran up to Tuguegarao City in Cagayan. This language is also widely spoken in Cabagan, Tumauini, Ilagan, Gamu, Echague, and Santiago City in Isabela. According to Valdapeñas (2008:18), he originally cited chronicles of Dominican friar Pedro Salgado, writing that the Spaniards crossed to their minds that having a common language would help the conquistadores in their governance. Therefore, they adopted and enforced the use of Ibanag as the official language for the rest of Cagayan Valley. 

           

Online facts about the Ibanags recount that we originated in the region around the mouth of the mighty Cagayan River. The group gradually dispersed southward within the last 200 years influencing other languages in the region. Based from Ethnologue, a database of languages throughout the world, there are half a million speakers of Ibanag. It is not a small number although the figure dates back to 1990. But somehow there might be a decreased number of Ibanag speakers now.   

Manuel Castells (2010:7) believes that identities can also be originated from dominant institutions; they become identities only when and if social actors internalize them, and construct their meanings around this internationalization.

Recently, the Department of Education (DepEd) used 12 major languages when it introduced the Mother-Tongue-Based Multi-Lingual Education (MTB-MLE) program last year. Tagalog, Kapampangan, Pangasinense, Iloko, Bikol, Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, Tausug, Maguindanaoan, Maranao, and Chabacano include the first batch. To enrich and widen the program, seven new mother tongues embedded in the program including Ibanag, Ivatan, Sambal, Akianon, and Kinaray-a, Yakan, and Surigaonon. These Philippine languages are currently used or will be used as a medium of instruction from Kindergarten to Grade 3. Since Ibanag language has now been successfully included in the second batch of the vernacular languages to be used in public schools under the K to 12 reform program of the DepEd, it is expected that Ibanag native speakers will increase and its community will be bigger in the future.

However, John Gumperz (2009:71) cautions that language loyalty may become a political issue in a modernizing society when socially isolated minority groups become mobilized. Their demands for closer participation in political affairs are often accompanied by demands for language reform or for the rewriting of the older, official code in their own literary idiom. The replacement of an older official code by another literary idiom in a modernizing society may represent the displacement of established elite by a rising group.  

Global Ibanag community

            Diaspora has led many Ibanags to Metro Manila and in different world cities as students, professionals, migrants, and overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). Because of deterritorializing world, the Ibanag Heritage Foundation Incorporated (IHFI) was organized by a group of Ibanags headed by the Founding Chairman Jejomar C Binay, a half-Ibanag through his matrilineal descent, who primarily wants to preserve and enhance the cultural heritage of the Ibanags, their way of life, and their Valley. The vision of the organization is to aspire for a close-knit global community of Ibanags who share immense pride in their history and strong kinship, bound together by a rich cultural heritage that serves as their wellspring of empowerment. And the mission is to foster unity among Filipinos of Ibanag descent or affiliation and harness their combined power and resources to lay the cornerstones of a lasting legacy that sustains their growth as a community of outstanding citizens, making their mark on the global map as professionals, entrepreneurs, artists, peacekeepers, community leaders, and public servants [1].

  

Photo from IHFI

           Among the famous and successful personalities in different fields that has Ibanag lineage who may influence ordinary Ibanags to love their distinct identity and Ibanag community are Vice President Jejomar Binay; Kontra-Gapi founder and retired UP professor Edru Abraham; singer Freddie Aguilar; actors Derek Ramsey, Coney Reyes, Michael V and Maja Salvador; basketball icons Jerry Codiñera and Rommel Adducul; and seasoned senators Bong Revilla Jr and Juan Ponce Enrile.

            However, the Ibanag Heritage Foundation Incorporated encourages our members to search for a global Ibanag that would embody the Ibanag culture, language, and community in a global scale. In our search, we have found Diosdado Banatao – philanthropist and computer engineer – a.k.a the Bill Gates of the Philippines. From his very humble beginnings from Iguig Cagayan Valley and going big time to Silicon Valley in the US, he never forgot his roots as an Ibanag. He pursued his secondary education in a Jesuit run school, the now defunct Ateneo de Tuguegarao. After finishing high school, he obtained a bachelor’s degree in Electrical Engineering at Mapua Institute of Technology and graduated cum laude. He later completed an MS Electrical Engineering and Computer Science from Stanford University in 1972 in order to enhance his craft as design engineer for Boeing in the United States. According to http://www.forbes.com, he is the founder and has been Managing Partner of Tallwood Venture Capital (Tallwood) since July 2000. From April 2008 to June 2009, he served as Interim Chief Executive Officer of SiRF Technology Holdings, Inc. (SiRF), a publicly-traded company that was acquired by CSR plc in June 2009 (SiRF). From October 2006 to August 2007, he served as Interim President and Chief Executive Officer of Inphi Corporation. Prior to forming Tallwood, he was a venture partner at the Mayfield Fund, a venture capital firm, from January 1998 to May 2000. Among his achievements, he co-founded three technology startups: S3 Graphics Ltd in 1989, Chips & Technologies, Inc. in 1985 and Mostron, Inc. in 1984. In his comeback to the Philippines, he continues to offer scholarships to bright students in Cagayan Valley and is willing to donate millions of dollars to resurrect his defunct alma mater Ateneo de Tuguegarao. 

References:

Adelman, H., 2000. The Synergy of Culture and Realpolitik in Ethnic Conflict, in The International Migration Review, New York: Winter.

Castells, M., 2010. The Power of Identity, Second Edition, Wiley-Blackwell.

Ibanag Heritage Foundation Incorporated (IHFI). 2012. A Primer.

Ikenberry, G., 1999. From Culture to Ethnicity to Conflict: An Anthropological Perspective on International Ethnic Conflict, Foreign Affairs, New York: Vol 78, Iss. 4, p 130.

Jenkins, R., 1997. Rethinking Ethnicity, Journal of Peace Research, Oslo: Vol. 41, Iss. 5, p342-399.

Junker, L. 1999. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Llamzon, T. 1978. Handbook of Philippine Language Groups, Quezon City: Ateneo University Press.

Scott, W.H. 1994. Barangay. Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Talla, P. 1999. A Historical Account of the Province of Cagayan. In Apilado, D (Ed), History from the People Kasaysayan Mula sa Bayan (Vol. 2), Quezon City: National Historical Institute and Philippine National Historical Society.

Valdapeñas, V. 2008. Ateneo de Tuguegarao: The Jesuit School UP North (A History of Generosity), Don Bosco Press, Inc.

Wein, C. 1987. Ibanag Songs, Folklore Studies Program, Cebu City: University of San Carlos Press.

Wernstedt, F. & Spencer, J.E. 1967. The Philippine Island World, Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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[1] Cited from Ibanag Heritage Foundation Incorporated (IHFI) and available at http://www.ibanagheritage.org/about-us/mission-and-vision/#sthash.HJsymlOF.dpuf, accessed on 28 Janaiuary 2014.

The 'Propaganda Model' in Philippine Mass Media

By Chester B Cabalza

Blogger's Notes:
Commentary of an Academic 
(Copyright @ 2014 by Chester B Cabalza. All Rights Reserved).

One of the functions of media is to inculcate individuals with values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society (Herman & Chomsky, 2002:62). However, this rhetoric can only be fulfilled with systemic propaganda, thus, the authors proposed the ‘Propaganda Model’ to better understand the political economy of the mass media.

Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky outlined five (5) filters in the ‘propaganda model’ of inequality of wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass media interests and choices. These are: (1) size, ownership and profit orientation; (2) the advertising license to do business; (3) sourcing mass media news; (4) flak and enforces; and (5) anti-communism. Hence, the issues raised arise on its application to the Philippines. 

By and large, I agree with the arguments on the propaganda model propounded by the authors which can be seen as realities in both the American and Philippine mass media. Imperative examples to compare the US and PH media industry are largely the same because the Philippines is certainly influenced by the Americans, being a colony of the US in the past. Nevertheless, the elite domination of the media and marginalization of dissidents, apparently are dominating the choices and interpretations of “objective” news and formation of professional news values, circulating in the air waves and the community of manufacturers of information.

The first filter talks about the size, ownership, and profit orientation of the mass media. They deem that family ownership becomes diffused among larger number of heirs and the market opportunities for selling media properties. With this the persistence of family control is evident, with enormous wealth possessed by the controlling families on top of the media firms (Ibid: 68).

They presented essential evidence in US mass media when the author argued that about twenty-four companies are large, profit-seeking corporations, owned and controlled by quite wealthy people. In the Philippines, despite the smallness of its media industry in terms of the number of competitors compared to the giant and global market of the United States; the same patterns on family ownership is apparent in two of the largest TV networks (ABS-CBN and GMA), and an emerging TV network (TV5) is controlled by a maverick business visionary who also owns the largest telecommunications (Smart) in the Philippines.  

The authors also mentioned about the diversification and geographic spread of the great media companies. This phenomenon is also happening in the Philippines through the regional networks of major TV networks. These radio-TV networks also partner with major daily newspapers; and connect with major telecommunications to spread and disseminate the information that instant – now using ‘quadmedia’ – print, radio, television, and the internet.

The same dilemma goes with the US and PH mass media as it besets the issue of government licensing; a requirement in acquiring licenses and franchises that could potentially subject them to government control and harassment. This major threat in the mass media can lead to legal dependency to discipline the media. An issue arising in the Philippines pertains to professionalizing “media practitioners” by requiring them to take the licensure exam administered by the government. It becomes a dilemma since the government is vested with its own interest contrary to what is expressly stipulated in the Constitution on the freedom of expression and right to communication.   

The second filter discusses the advertising license to do business. A conduit to successful mass media is the increasing presence of advertisers that become a ‘de facto’ licensing authority. In it, the authors believe that, “the power of advertisers over television programming stems from the simple fact that they buy and pay for the programs” (Ibid:76). Advertisers are anointed as ‘patrons’ who provide the media subsidy and their choices definitely affect the welfare of the mass media; thus, advertisers powerfully form the “normative reference organizations." Apparently, in the Philippines this is prominently seen as the ‘ratings race’ which may dictate the survival of substantive shows that may suffer from the political discrimination of advertisers.

The third filter dissects the sourcing mass media news which often happens to subsidize the mass media and gain special access to reduce media’s cost. The reason behind, there is a need for economic necessity and reciprocity of interest, where important rumors and leaks abound; the same way bureaucratic affinity are elicited. In here, the authors views that, “routine news sources have privilege access, whereas, non-routine sources must struggle for access and may be ignored by the gatekeepers” (Ibid:82).

One interesting arguments posed by the authors is how to deal with in shaping the supply of ‘experts’. The relation of power and sourcing extends to this issue, which may sound debatable as to the qualifications of the ‘expert’s expertise’? Are they founded based from their academic credentials, authority, knowledge, or experience? This becomes interesting especially when one is elevated as an expert by the mass media.

Flak and the enforcers becomes the fourth filter. Obviously, advertisers who are movers and shapers in manufacturing consent through the power of mass media do not want to get negative responses on the programs they are sponsoring that would jeopardize their profits. Profits are substantial in this kind of business.

So, the authors are adamant in saying that, “advertisers are still concerned to avoid offending constituencies that might produce flak, and their demand for suitable programming is a continuing feature of the media environment” (Ibid:86).

This phenomenon also happens in the Philippines, especially now that the mass media has become participative. The attention given to various flaks are concerns that the Philippine mass media has to take into consideration. Although, the flak machines steadily attacks the mass media, still the media treats them well because they balance the reality. Same as the case in America and the Philippines, the government plays a major role as a producer of flak in their aim to assail, threaten, and correct the media on the information and content they produce.

The last filter according to the authors is anticommunism as a control mechanism. I don’t seem to agree much with this proposition particularly in Philippine setting even if the Left (communists) is marginally present in our society. In the United States, this is an ideological battle that they need to stand and survive as a beacon of democracy. Ideological difference with communism is apparently understood since democracy is the beliefs that the US is trying to propagate. Their messianic mission to spread that democracy is good and communism is bad is a sharp divide in the international political arena. We must understand where the US is coming from. The press freedom, freedom of speech, right to communication, and others are values in which they want in ingrain to most nations in the world.

To conclude, I subscribe to the ideas of Herman and Chomsky on their arguments on the ‘Propaganda Model’. It sets the basic yet sophisticated tone on how the political economy of the mass media works in the United States, which is also happening in the Philippines. These are realities that must not be taken for granted; hence, it must be understood to know how the mass media operates in our society together with other powerful actors or players that are strategically tapped by the authors.  

2014 Toyota Vios

Finally, I bought my own brandnew 2014 Toyota Vios. Here's the honest review that I have read from the Internet. Hope this will help avid Toyota car buyers!

2014 Toyota Vios 1.3 E MT

Widening the Gap
Text by Inigo S. Roces / Photos: Inigo S. Roces
posted April 25, 2014 20:23

Read more: http://www.autoindustriya.com/car-reviews/2014-toyota-vios-13-e-at.html#ixzz38XBwzWUc
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Photo fron Chester Cabalza

Easily the country’s best-selling car, the Vios has served as the subcompact sedan benchmark for a decade now. Its size, price and proven reliability have made it the darling of corporate fleets and taxi companies while families have embraced it as family sedan. Despite its age, demand for the vehicle hardly seemed to slow, yet like all good things, time had come for a much needed change.

By July, Toyota Motor Philippines had unveiled the all-new Vios – sporting a completely new platform and body for the first time since its arrival, but still lovingly assembled by Team Members at the Toyota plant in Santa Rosa Laguna.

The new Vios is now a very common sight on today’s roads. The timely full-model change has helped it move away from its formerly conservative design with a more progressive style. The futuristic front façade sports a gaping lower intake and slats the run right into the headlamps. A subtle shoulder runs along the side while wrap-around tail lights stretch to the sides like wings.

Underneath, some clever re-engineering has made the family car become an even more stable and better handling vehicle. It’s quieter too and of course, far more spacious than its predecessor.

Inside, it hardly feels like a subcompact class vehicle at all. Though still made of plastic, much of the dashboard emulates the leather wrapped look from more premium brands. There’s even faux stitching on the edges.

The instrument cluster has thankfully been returned to the driver’s side. Optitron gauges are clearly visible no matter what time of day. The three spoke wheel just ahead of it houses stereo remote controls on the right (standard even in this mid-spec level 1.3 E manual). Over in the center, the stereo sits high on the dash with vents just below it. The climate is still controlled by knobs, but feel sturdy and firm with each click.

The seats are fabric, but are contoured better to keep the driver comfortable on long drives. The same can be said of the back seats with a fair amount of leg room and a new flatter floor.

Powering this particular Vios is a 1.3 liter inline 4-cylinder, producing 86 PS of power and 122 Newton-meters of torque. It’s paired to a 5-speed manual that drives the front wheels.

Despite being a mid-spec 1.3 E, this Vios is fairly well equipped with all power windows, locks and steering, alloy wheels, a modern audio system that is iPod compatible and steering wheel controls. The chrome trim, turn signal repeaters and disc brakes at the back (all equipped in the 1.5 G) will hardly be missed.

Despite carrying over the engine from the previous model, the new Vios feels more sprightly when accelerating. Much of this is due to the close ratio manual transmission that gives the car a lot of torque early on and lets the driver shift up sooner. This makes for high fuel economy in the city, particularly when traffic typically travels at just 20-40 km/h. But unfortunately results to poor highway economy at higher cruising speeds.

The Vios returns a comfortable ride, soaking up bumps well and is now more quiet on the road. Despite its hefty look, the car still feels remarkably light, making it easy to maneuver round sharp bends and gaps in traffic. At higher speeds, the Vios is also more fun to drive, feeling very stable be it on highways or on long sweepers. Sudden emergency lane changes are met with remarkable stability. Long sweepers are also taken with better aplomb.

The Vios is clearly a city car and some of the compromises become more apparent in the highway. First off, the car’s light weight and shape can make it particularly vulnerable to crosswinds and wakes of larger vehicles passing by. The close ratio transmission makes it much less efficient at higher speeds, revving at a high 3,000 rpm when cruising at 100 km/h. Finally, there’s much more noise that penetrates the cabin at higher speeds.

Despite the few complaints, the Vios 1.3 E manual still comes out as a tempting proposition at P727,000. The exterior design, premium-feeling interior and good package of features will be more than enough to meet daily driving needs, especially in the city. It’s sprightly, agile, but still large enough to easily accommodate a family. It will easily return 10 km/L in the city (moderate to heavy traffic with 1 passenger), but a much lower 8 km/L in the highway (with moderate traffic and 1 passenger). The improvements will certainly make Toyota fans lean towards the Vios once again, and possibly win a few more new customers over to the brand.

Te Papa Museum (New Zealand)

                                   Copyright @ 2014 by Chester B Cabalza. All Rights Reserved.

Ethnography 101: Social Impressions of Malls

I would always ask my college and graduate students in Anthropology, aside from learning anthropological concepts and theories inside the classroom, to explore places, experience cultural and social happenings, and write ethnographic accounts using the participation-observation method. 

I am posting in my blog with the writer's consent selected ethnography penned creatively by my students to contribute to the emerging sub-discipline of anthropology called 'Virtual Ethnography'. 

Basically, virtual ethnography is also referred to as Webnography. We cannot deny the fact that with increasing use of technology and the Internet, there is now a demand for online spaces on ethnography. 

Photo from Google

By Nathaniel Don Valdez

Going to shopping malls has become one of Filipinos' favorite past times. Shopping malls offer convenience with the variety of shops and restaurants, and different forms of entertainment. One can simply go to the mall and hang out with his or her family and friends. The number of activities can be endless besides from the usual shopping, eating out and watching movies. Today, some malls has skating rinks, bowling alleys, barbershops, laundry services, computer repairs and other services.

Malls are often compared to plazas during the Spanish colonization era. Plazas back then were situated in the middle of government building and the church where people constantly commune. Malls now are in their air conditioned buildings that provides the same function of community.

One of the malls I went to is The Podium in Ortigas, Mandaluyong City. It is an upscale shopping mall which was developed and owned by SM Prime Holdings. It is near SM Megamall - today's largest mall in the Philippines, Shangri-La Plaza, and Robinson's Galleria. It is relatively smaller in scale and has fewer patrons and visitors compared to the aforementioned nearby malls. It has five floors and has mostly high-end shops and restaurants.

The first thing that I noticed when I entered The Podium was the building's facade and interiors. It is very polished and has silver or chrome finish all throughout. Outside were two coffee shops and a valet service, enough which gave the impression to the mall patrons that it was a venue for relaxation.

Once you enter the mall, I immediately noticed that people were simply going through the first floor entering from the front and exiting to the back on the ground floor. Following these people reveal that they were going to St Francis Square, another mall, housing thrift shops and tiangge stores. As I observed, some of them are employees of nearby skyscrappers. At this perspective, The Podium only acts as gateway for these people to reach a mall that has affordable goods. It seems that the management at The Podium don't mid that people are using the building to cross to another rival mall.

This scenario applies at the ground floor of the The Podium. As I continue up the floors, there were significantly fewer people and as I stroll around, there were very few or no people at the stores. Restaurants have more customers, coming into the conclusion that at The Podium, patrons preferred activity for dining in at upscale venues. Inside the restaurant, there is an atmosphere that brings to a more homey ambiance, and removes or lessens the idea of being in a public place. The dining in experience is exclusive with our family sitting on our own table and served by a waiter to take our orders.

In contrast, eating out in a food court at Megamall can be described as more chaotic. A food court is an area where the food outlets are located with tables and chairs for public use. There is a greater variation of people eating in a food court which matches the number of food choices.

In a food court, one is expected to eat quickly so that other people may sit and eat. People select from one of the restaurant, bus their food on their trays as they search for a table to sit. There are some people who are not eating and occupying the seats. When asked, one guy said that he is waiting for someone. He was looking at his cellphone all the time and thought that I was asking to use the table, and left before I even get to ask more questions. There are also other sit-in restaurants inside Megamall, but they were less prominent and concentrated in a certain section.

There were other individuals as well, such as the group of girls who were chatting away about different subjects. When asked, they said they were waiting for a movie on the third floor of Magamall to start. They decided to stay at the food court because it is free. It is possible to deduce that people have expanded the purpose of using public food court beside eating at the basement level of the building. It is less chaotic and has fewer people compared to Megamall's food court. It is almost as big and has more or less same choices with that of Megamall.

In general, Shangri-La has less people than Megamall, but I have particularly known that it is also used by people to cross to Ortigas from the MRT Shaw Boulevard station. They do not generally enter the mall for leisure but as gateway to other malls.

In our studies in architecture, we studied that the lay-out of Shangri-La mall was designed in such a way that people will be forced to tour the different shops. The floor plans have no distinctive pattern compared to SM Megamall or The Podium. However, it does give a tedious amount of walking around the shop for particular items. SM Megamall has a straightforward design that enables the shopper to easily locate the store he or she is looking for. Even with the face-lift and recent additions of new buildings and parking areas, SM Megamall has been able to maintain the simplicity of its designs.

It is also perceived that Shangri-La is more upscale mall compared to Megamall, however, The Podium was built for exclusivity for richer clients. Shangri-La is bigger than The Podium for which it has more mall patrons. Shangri-La has even added new imported brands and foreign sounding stores in its new wing.

Both The Podium and Shangri-La act as gateways for young professionals and other mall rats for public spaces, and sometimes, lower income pedestrians can afford to enter these upscale buildings in terms of its social stratification. However, both retain their images of being upscale malls because of the imported brands it houses.

Megamall is actually not far from Shangri-La's price range considering that it has IMAX cinema and annexes The Atrium, a section in Megamall which caters for middle to upper income shoppers.

One of the manifestations of the social stratification in the malls is evident in dining areas. The Podium does not have a food court compared with Shangri-La and Megamall. Food court can be used as a waiting or meeting place because patrons are not obliged to spend much or stay there for free unlike if they are within a restaurant, whether it is in a fast food or other sit-down restaurant.

Shopping malls are also defined by the number of possible activities. The Podium offers very few activities while Shangri-La and Megamall have all sorts of form of entertainment. The Podium has only two cinema theaters while Shangri-La has five while Megamall has twelve. Shangri-la has several services like dental clinics and spas while Megamall has a bowling alley.

These malls attract people with different impressions of what is inside or how they may be able to use it on their daily schedules. Shangri-La and The Podium fit into this description because they are directly accessible in people's commuting courses. It ensures that people are constantly coming in and out of their building that could translate to more profits.

We may call the shopping malls as the new modern plaza for the Filipinos, however, malls has functions and structures in the complex Philippine society. Malls continually expand in sizes to fit the needs of nearby cosmopolitan community. It is a meeting place, a gateway, an exclusive place, a public space, depending on which social stratification you belong!  

New Zealand

New Zealand is one of my favorite countries to visit. Home of the Maori people as they journeyed in this majestic and isolated archipelago using canoes from Hawaiki about 1,000 years ago. The country was first discovered by the Dutch but it became part of the British empire down under. 

During my visit, Kiwis flamboyantly cheered for the British monarch as Princes William and George together with Princess Kate visited New Zealand. From Auckland to Wellington, I and my students paid courtesy calls to the Philippine Embassy, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Business Innovation, the Parliament House; and we enjoyed visiting the Lord of the Rings set at Weta, Mount Victoria and Botanical Garden, the Te Papa museum and City Museum of Wellington.

We exchanged ideas and engaged dialogues with top officials in the military, defense and government sectors. The Philippine embassy headed by Ambassador Virginia Benavidez hosted the best dinner for my team and comprehensively lectured on PH-New Zealand relations. We met some Filipino workers and professionals, high school batchmates and friends, and mingled with friendly Kiwis during our week-long stay in the beautiful and innovative cities of Auckland and Wellington in New Zealand. 

Copyright @ 2014 by Chester B Cabalza. All Rights Reserved.